The conflict in Rakhine of Myanmar – historically known as Arakan – is one of the most prolonged and complex ethno -political crises in Southeast Asia. Basically, a fight between the population of Rakhine (Arakanaise) with a Buddhist predominance and the Muslim Rohingya minority, whose disputed identity and the historical presence in the region have triggered decades of tension, violence and displacement. The Rakhine people, themselves a marginalized ethnic group in Myanmar, has long welcomed the grievances against the central government for political and economic negligence. This has favored a solid regional nationalism, which considers Rohingyas not only as religious foreigners but also as demographic and political threats. The Rohingyas, on the other hand, claim deep historical roots in the region, but they were systematically refused citizenship under the law on myanmar citizenship, which made them one of the largest stateless populations in the world.
The conflict intensified considerably in 2017 when the Myanmar army launched a brutal repression in response to the attacks of the Salvation Army of Arakan Rohingya (ARSA). The operation led to mass atrocities, including murders, sexual violence and the displacement of more than 700,000 Rohingyas in Bangladesh – shareholders largely condemned as ethnic cleaning and possibly genocide. While the international community has focused on the humanitarian crisis, the deeper ethno-political dynamics remain unresolved. The nationalist movement of Rakhine, represented by groups such as the Arakan army, seeks greater autonomy or even independence, complicating the story that supervises rohingyas only as victims. This double marginalization – of Rakhine and Rohingya – has created a volatile environment where identity, territory and political power collide.
Reconciliation and repatriation efforts have largely blocked. The Military Junta of Myanmar, who seized power in 2021, has shown little interest in treating the deep causes of the conflict. Meanwhile, the Rohingyas remain in the limbo, captured between statelessness and exile, while the Rakhine continues to put pressure for self -determination.
At the end of 2024, a coalition of 28 Rohingyas organizations published a unified declaration calling for peaceful coexistence, inclusive governance and equal rights in the state of Rakhine. The declaration urged the Arakan army (AA) and its political wing, the United League of Arakan (ULA), to recognize the Rohingyas as equal stakeholders and to put an end to human rights violations, including forced displacements and extrajudicial killings. This call occurred after consolidated AA control on key Nordic cureaux, notably Maungdaw and Buthidaung – with important Rohingyas populations. The Rohingya Coalition underlined the need for an inclusive interim advisory committee to promote confidence and ensure fair representation in governance.
But the persistence of armed conflicts remains one of the most immediate threats to coexistence. In May 2024, credible reports emerged that the Arakan army, an armed group of ethnic Rakhine, forcibly moved thousands of Rohingyas civilians from the city of Buthidaung. The accounts of eyewitness and satellite imaging confirmed the widespread looting and the burn of the Rohingyas houses. These actions deepen not only the humanitarian crisis, but also strengthen fears among the Rohingyas that they are systematically targeted for elimination. The growing territorial control of the AA in the north of Rakhine has feared that it will reproduce the exclusion practices of the Myanmar army, undergoing all the prospects for governance or inclusive reconciliation.
A fundamental obstacle to coexistence is the continuous stateless of rohingyas. Under the Citizenship Act of 1982 of Myanmar, Rohingyas are not recognized as one of the country’s official ethnic groups, effectively refusing them citizenship and the rights that accompany it. This legal exclusion has left generations of Rohingya without access to education, health care, property rights or freedom of movement. Without legal recognition, Rohingyas remain vulnerable to exploitation, movement and abuse.
Decades of propaganda sponsored by the state, community violence and political manipulation have rooted a deep distrust between the Rakhine and Rohingya communities. Rakhine often consider rohingyas as illegal immigrants and a demographic threat, while rohingyas consider rakhine as an accomplice of their persecution. This mutual suspicion was exacerbated by cycles of violence, including the 2012 and 2017 clashes, which left devastated entire communities.
Rakhine’s humanitarian situation remains disastrous. More than 600,000 Rohingyas still reside in the state, many of them in internal displaced people (PDI) with limited access to food, drinking water, health care and education. The movement restrictions imposed by the military and local authorities have still isolated these communities. The absence of basic services aggravates not only suffering, but also feeds resentment and instability.
A sustainable resolution requires more than humanitarian aid or an international conviction. The repeal or modification of the Citizenship Act of 1982 of Myanmar is essential to grant the complete legal status of the Rohingyas and the rights which accompany it. Arabian communities and Rohingyas must have a voice in the political and administrative structures that govern the state of Rakhine. Inclusive governance means ensuring fair representation on local councils, regional parliaments and decision -making organizations. This also involves creating mechanisms for sharing power and conflict resolution which reflect the ethnic and religious diversity of the region. The empowerment of the two communities to participate in the training of their future can help reduce tensions, promote mutual respect and build a more equitable society.
The legacy of violence and impunity must be addressed through credible justice mechanisms. The authors of atrocities – whether military or ethnic armed military or ethnic groups such as the Arakan army – must be held responsible through national or international legal processes. This includes investigation into war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleaning acts. Justice is not only a moral imperative but also a practical necessity for reconciliation. Without responsibility, the grievances will get worse and the cycles of revenge and distrust will continue to undermine the peace efforts.
The reconstruction of confidence between the Arakanais and the Rohingyas requires a sustained basic dialogue. Community reconciliation initiatives, supported by civil society organizations, religious leaders and international partners, can help reject divisions and promote empathy. These dialogues should focus on shared experiences, mutual concerns and collaborative problems. Education and media campaigns which therefore counter hate speech and promote inter-municipal understanding are also vital. Although national reforms are crucial, peace must be cultivated at the local level where people live side by side.
Economic inequality and competition on resources have long fueled tensions in the state of Rakhine. To avoid other conflicts, development efforts must be inclusive and equitable. This means investing in infrastructure, schools, hospitals and job creation in a way that benefits all communities – without ethnic or religion. International donors and development agencies should ensure that aid is distributed fairly and that marginalized groups, including Rohingyas, are not excluded from economic opportunities. A fair development can help reduce resentment, promote cooperation and create a basis for lasting peace.
The call for coexistence of the Rohingyas is not only a plea for survival – it is a vision of a common future in a land that the two communities call at home. Although the obstacles are immense, the alternative – violence, displacement and alternative division – are much worse. The international community, regional actors and the own Civil Society of Myanmar must seize this moment to support a peace process which includes both the Arakanais and the Rohingyas. It is only by justice, the inclusion and mutual recognition that the State can move from a history of conflict to a future of coexistence.
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